By Ahmed Almousa
There is a wealth of sociological research conducted on the behavior and interactions of individuals in public spaces. Areas where persons of different social groups come together are excellent sources for urban sociological analysis, because the interactions within such systems are inherently unique, especially within an urban environment. This has been demonstrated by the works of sociologists Elijah Anderson, Louis Wirth, and Georg Simmel. Essential in understanding the importance of human interaction and space, the theoretical framework of symbolic interaction serves as the basis for urban ethnographers. In Urbanism as a Way of Life, Wirth (1938) states, "the larger the number of persons in a state of interaction with one another, the lower is the level of communication and the greater is the tendency for communication to proceed on an elementary level, i.e., on the basis of those things which are assumed to be common or to be of interest to all (p. 23-24)." Here Wirth merges symbolic interactionism and ethnography in discussing the dynamic interactions displayed when subjects in a public space adhere to a commonly defined social situation.
The best type of public space that captures both the interactions and patterns of subjects in socially unique ways is the urban market. These are "…highly diverse settings in which all types of people come together to shop (Anderson, 2012, p. 16)". In Anderson's The Cosmopolitan Canopy, he describes the particular attitude of general urban dwellers as well as market shoppers as the following: "…people's 'blasé' orientation as they traversed the urban spaces with an impersonal bearing that suggested an attitude of indifference (p. 14)." This characterization of urban dwellers itself is not only unique to urban dwellers, but also to those who visit markets as the public space emits its own rules of behavior and practices.
Lexington Market is historic for both Baltimore City and the United States. As the longest-running market in America, Lexington Market is as old as the nation itself. Founded in 1782 at the site where it stands today, it was named after the historic Battle of Lexington. Today, the Market still has the same address, but has expanded to include approximately 120 vendors. The Market attracts a diverse group of people – racially, socially, and geographically. Food is the major centerpiece of Lexington Market, and the smell is apparent from the outset. As Anderson (2012) states, “when diverse people are eating one another's food, … a social good is performed for those observing. As people become intimate through such shared experiences, certain barriers are prone to be broken" (p. 17). Therefore, Lexington Market produces a unique experience for those who visit through various types of inter-cultural interaction inherent to Charm City.
City markets carry a plethora of cultural wealth within themselves. Diversity comes about in the form of foreign foods, interactions between persons of heterogeneous cultures, and the commingling of ideas. In order to understand this unique social dynamic found in Lexington Market, ethnography is a special methodological tool used to capture this phenomenon. Public markets allow for robust social interactions to occur because they are simultaneously public and intimate thus adding rich humanizing experiences.
Lexington Market lies in the heart of Baltimore's eclectic and vibrant Downtown area. Upon entering you are greeted by a waft of smells and hectic foot traffic that only reaffirms that you are in the heart of the city. Employing the ethnographic method one is able to decipher and describe the many overlapping themes, symbols, objects, and interactions that otherwise seem chaotic in a place as lively and bustling as Lexington Market. The advantage of using this method of analysis depends solely not on observations, but also the contextualizing of information in relation to space and behaviors. This is further developed though conversations, thus adding a robust explanation and understanding about human activities. From my own observations at Lexington Market, I witnessed colloquial forms of expressions that made me wonder if this was unique to Baltimore City.
My conversation with the owner and vendor of a vegetable stand added another layer of analysis to my informal ethnography. The vendor, a middle-aged African-American male who was busy dealing with customers, saw and gave me the expression that he would help me after finishing up with the customer. After brief introductions and small talk, we both relaxed a bit, making the conversation about his experiences vending at the Market effortless. I asked him several questions ranging from his customer experiences to the state and future of Lexington Market.
“For the Market as a whole, about 90 percent of the customers were locals from Baltimore,” the vendor said “with the remaining 10 percent being foreign tourists visiting.” This highlighted one of two things: the Market is not well publicized or the Market has a negative reputation which prompted me to ask about safety concerns. The vendor expressed that the market was overall a very safe space at all times, and that several rules were implemented such as, “…a 30-minute time limit imposed on all shoppers,” according to the vendor. Although, not heavily practiced by vendors, one can see how this rule could be used to keep out unwanted foot traffic. Although Anderson’s Cosmopolitan Canopy asserts that public spaces like the market can offer refuge from the everyday hassles of outside and bring different social classes together, this rule encourages the opposite thus producing a new situational social norm.
Boundaries that are normally strictly respected and adhered to anywhere else in Baltimore, Lexington is far less rigid to shoppers and vendors occupying the Market space. The Lexington Market provides an excellent source for urban sociological analysis because it is a public space located within the socially and culturally diverse downtown area. Seeing Lexington Market as a distinct social entity with its own internal social dynamic allows for the observer to witness a clear conception of the underpinnings of a sociological theory of urbanism, an examination into the inner workings of a social environment that uniquely allows for the coming together of people of different sociological background.
References
Anderson, E. (2012). The cosmopolitan canopy: race and civility in everyday life. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company
Wirth, L. (1938). Urbanism as a way of life. American Journal of Sociology
